The Education Minister Must Resign, But the Government Won’t Let Him Fall
At the heart of this nationwide student uprising is a simple, three-word demand: Pradhan must resign. From the streets of Delhi to Kolkata, Patna to Mumbai, the chant is uniform and unrelenting. The NEET paper leak has not just shattered the dreams of millions of medical aspirants — it has exposed a systemic rot that the Central government refuses to acknowledge, let alone address. Instead, the government stands like a fortress around its Education Minister, Dharmendra Pradhan, while the streets are flooded with young blood, pellet gun pellets, and tear-gas canisters. The question that echoes from every protest site is no longer just about a leaked exam, but about the very nature of governance that places a man above accountability.
The Minister Stays, the Secretary Goes: The Art of Scapegoating
While the demand for Dharmendra Pradhan’s resignation has grown louder — from student organisations, opposition parties, and citizens across India — the government’s response has been to double down. On July 24, talks between the Kokroko Janta Party (CJP) and the Centre reportedly broke down over this single point. The government was ready to offer compensation to families of students who died by suicide after the exam fiasco, and even withdraw the FIRs against protesters. But it would not budge on the resignation of the Education Minister. A man’s chair has become more precious than the lives of young people.
Then came the theatrical twist: the transfer of the Union Education Secretary, Vineet Joshi, to Naresh Kumar Gangwar. The message was clear — we are doing something. But look closely at this ‘something’. The new Education Secretary, Abhijeet Deepke, is reportedly facing serious corruption allegations. According to reports, while serving as an officer in the agriculture board, he approved a subsidy scheme for commercial farming of flowers and vegetables. The scheme’s beneficiary list included the then Union Minister of State for Agriculture, Bhagirath Choudhary, who reportedly took a subsidy of ₹99 lakh. Deepke’s own mother, wife, and son allegedly received over ₹1 crore in subsidies for cucumber farming over five years. If this is the man entrusted with the country’s education system, one must ask: is the government punishing corruption or rewarding it? The transfer is not accountability; it’s a charade to distract from the real culprit.
Pellet Guns and Broken Bones: The State's Answer to Students
The protests at Jantar Mantar and across the country have been met with brutal force. Lathis have rained down on children. Pellet guns have been fired, leaving pellets embedded in the eyes and bodies of young protesters. In a chilling press conference, a young man stood beside Rahul Gandhi, his body dotted with wounds from pellet guns — a visual testament to the government’s response. The police have not held a single press conference to explain the violence, but the CJP has announced it will launch a website to upload photographs of assaulting officers, identifying each one for legal action. The police allegedly broke heads, fractured limbs, slapped protesters, and even sexually assaulted young girls. Yet the FIRs against students have not been withdrawn, and no officer has been held accountable. The compensation carrot dangled before the victims’ families comes with no such offer for justice against the perpetrators.
In Patna, Ayesha’s Bihar State Secretary Dipankar and Ayesha Patna University President Saba Afreen were arrested. A Bihar bandh has been called for July 25. The police, it seems, fear that Instagram reels from Bihar’s creators might revive the agitation with a new humour and creativity. Meanwhile, the opposition called for a candle march on July 25 across all districts, and the Congress pledged a nationwide satyagraha. But the government remains unmoved — a Cabinet meeting on the same day approved amendments to the anti-paper leak law, as if the problem were a lack of laws, not their utter inability to implement them.
At Midnight, the Prime Minister Speaks — But Says Nothing
On July 23, at 11:52 p.m., Prime Minister Narendra Modi posted an Instagram reel. It was a ‘cool’ video, addressing the youth as ‘friends’, in a tone starkly different from his usual political speeches. He spoke of fast-track courts, of the need to ensure that no student’s year is wasted, and of the government’s recent actions. Yet, not a single word was uttered about the violence against students. No condemnation of police brutality. No mention of the demand for the Education Minister’s resignation. Not even a word of condolence for the students who lost their lives. Instead, the Prime Minister sought to project a sense of normalcy — as if a midnight reel could pacify a generation that has been beaten on the streets.
The core of the PM’s reassurance is not new. Journalist Sharawasti Das Gupta promptly fact‑checked the claim: in the last three years, Prime Minister Modi has made similar promises of strict laws and fast‑track courts at least four times. The following table, compiled from official statements and fact‑check reports, exposes the emptiness of these repeated vows.
Prime Minister’s Promises on Paper Leak and Strict Action
| Date / Context | Promise Made | Reality Check |
|---|---|---|
| 2021 (Parliament) | “We will make the toughest law against paper leaks; no one who plays with the future of the youth will be spared.” | Laws were indeed passed, but paper leaks continued in multiple states, including the NEET leak in 2024. |
| 2022 (Public Rally) | “Fast‑track courts will try such cases, and the guilty will be given the strictest punishment.” | As of July 2024, no major conviction in a high‑profile paper leak case has been fast‑tracked. The 2024 NEET main accused was even discharged by the CBI on the same day the PM spoke of fast‑track courts. |
| 2023 (Mann Ki Baat) | “We have enacted a stringent law; a strong message has been sent.” | Within months, paper leaks occurred in Gujarat, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh teacher recruitment exams. |
| July 23, 2024 (Instagram Reel) | “Yesterday I directed the departments to prepare fast‑track court provisions; the cabinet will discuss and pass a bill in Parliament.” | The same promise recycled; meanwhile, students continued to be lathi‑charged, FIRs remained, and the Education Minister stayed. |
Either the Prime Minister forgets his own speeches after every delivery, or the government is simply powerless against the paper‑leak mafias while being omnipotent in tracking down “Chinese and Pakistani backers” of student protests. On the very day he spoke of fast‑track courts, the CBI reportedly discharged a key accused in the 2024 NEET leak, Sanjeev Mukhya, from all charges. If such is the efficiency of justice, what guarantee can any student have?
Silencing the Agitation: Universities as Enforcers, Internet as Enemy
While official channels issue hollow assurances, the machinery of suppression grinds silently. Delhi University and Jawaharlal Nehru University have issued warnings to students and staff, cautioning them against participating in the “illegal” protests at Jantar Mantar. Delhi University went so far as to praise the Prime Minister’s fast‑track court announcement in the same breath as threatening disciplinary action. The contradiction is glaring: when the government’s own ministers meet with protest leaders like Sonam Wangchuk and Abhijeet Deepke, the protest cannot be “illegal.” The distinction is political — a protest that threatens the regime is illegal, while one that can be co‑opted is permissible.
Simultaneously, the digital space is being cleansed. YouTube removed videos of journalists Sandesh Bhatia and Sarthak Goswami that documented the police violence during the Parliament march; later, an age restriction was imposed, preventing viewers under 18 from watching — as if those very teenagers were not the ones facing lathis on the ground. Twitter founder Jack Dorsey revealed that the Indian government was restricting his app “Bit Chat”, which enables communication in areas without internet. Reports had emerged that Bit Chat was being used by protesters at Jantar Mantar to coordinate. The government does not want seamless communication at protest sites — it wants isolation, confusion, and fear.
A Nationwide Uprising That the Government Cannot Ignore
Despite the repression, the movement has only spread. From Shivaji Park in Mumbai, where IIT Bombay students joined, to Kolkata’s streets with left‑student organisations, to candle marches in district headquarters called by the Congress — the geography of dissent is expanding. Globally, solidarity protests have been held. Former soldiers’ organisations have extended support. The movement is no longer a Delhi‑centric event; it has become a national referendum on the government’s handling of education, youth aspirations, and public accountability.
The opposition’s strategy in Parliament has been clear: no discussion until the Education Minister resigns. The government insists it is ready for debate, but the opposition refuses to play along, knowing that a debate without the minister’s head would be a farce. The result is a stalled Parliament, a protest‑ridden summer, and a Prime Minister who chooses Instagram reels over a statement in the House.
Sonam Wangchuk broke his fast after assurances from the government, but even his statements began to omit the demand for Pradhan’s resignation. This has raised uncomfortable questions about whether the government selectively pacifies certain faces while leaving the core issue unreplied. Yet the people at Jantar Mantar refuse to retreat; they have made it clear that the agitation will continue until Dharmendra Pradhan steps down.
The entire episode reveals a government that has perfected the art of performance: a secretary is transferred, a minister is paraded as untouchable, a midnight reel is crafted, and repressive measures are disguised as law and order. Every institution — universities, police, internet platforms — is being weaponised against the very citizens it is meant to serve. The question now is not whether the Education Minister will resign, but how much more the youth of this country must endure before the state acknowledges their pain. The answer, it seems, is written in baton marks and pellet wounds.
Criticisms
- - The Education Minister is shielded from accountability, despite repeated examination paper leaks occurring under his tenure.
- - A scapegoat transfer is performed instead of accepting ministerial responsibility.
- - A new Education Secretary is appointed, on whom serious corruption allegations have been levelled.
- - Students' peaceful protests are met with disproportionate police violence, including lathi charges, pellet gun firing, and sexual assault.
- - FIRs against protesters are not withdrawn, while no police officer is held accountable for brutality.
- - A midnight Instagram reel is posted by the Prime Minister, avoiding any mention of police violence, student deaths, or the resignation demand.
- - Promises of fast‑track courts and strict laws are repeatedly made and broken, without any follow‑through on earlier identical assurances.
- - Universities are coerced to threaten students and staff against participating in legitimate democratic protests.
- - YouTube and online platforms are pressured to remove or restrict content documenting state violence.
- - Communication apps used by protesters are banned, hindering coordination and free speech.
- - The government's ministers engage with selected protesters to fragment the movement, while continuing to label the broader agitation as illegal.
- - A compensation package is offered as a transactional tool, while systemic failures and corrupt officials remain untouched.
- - Parliament is stalled in a deadlock because the ruling dispensation prioritises protecting a minister over debating the future of millions of students.
- - Dissent is criminalised, and student leaders are arrested, creating a climate of fear across campuses.
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