Showing posts with label Indian Politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Indian Politics. Show all posts

Sunday, September 28, 2025

Perseverance and Determination


All Book Summaries
<<< Previous Chapter
Taken from the book: 21 Leadership Lessons of Narendra Damodardas Modi

"Our greatest glory isn't never falling, but rising every time we fall." ~ Oliver Goldsmith

Challenges, setbacks, hurdles: almost everyone faces them, especially those in a position of power and responsibility. What differentiates good leaders from exceptional ones is not their intelligence or affinity for good strategies, but their self-determination. In times of challenging circumstances, brilliant ideas are necessary, but the leader's perseverance and will to get through the problem is something far more fundamental and important. Imagine what would happen if the leader of a group turns around and vanishes, abandoning his team! That certainly won't be a pretty picture.

Effective leaders have the resolve to look at problems with a brave face. Thinking calmly and staying in control leads them to manage and look for possible alternative solutions. A perseverant leader, driven by a constant vision, is able to make his team anchor on his beliefs, thoughts, values and principles. It helps one to stay motivated.

Narendra Modi's journey from a bal sevak in RSS to the Prime Minister of India is a story of deep-rooted determination. Set with a vision in mind, he has been looking into solutions and working on them persistently. His zest for work was quite visible and in a lot many instances, appreciated. In the early 1990s, Modi was handed the responsibility of L K Advani's Rath Yatra (1990) and Dr Murli Manohar Joshi's Ekta Yatra (1991–92) despite being in a junior role in the state unit in BJP. The RSS leaders had quickly provided their assent taking into consideration Modi's initial years of success and hard work.

Given the fact that the Indian political system is characterised by issues of groups and favouritism where the emerging and struggling political aspirants will spend more time in pleasing their seniors than working at grassroots levels, Narendra Damodardas Modi chose the path of hard work to make his mark, despite being aware that achieving success and admiration through work and results is a long path vis-à-vis any short cut.

His desire to achieve the unachievable, pushing him to extreme and social awareness played an important part in overall rise of Narendra Modi. People who know Modi from earlier days recount him as a self-motivated and socially conscious individual who followed high morality in his personal disposition. Indeed many of his old associates find that Modi has displayed a unique trait of incrementing his perseverance and determination as he kept moving upwards in power hierarchy. He is known as one who never basks on his past or present glories, but has his sights set on the next milestone even before achieving the previous one.

As a youngster, Modi seemed to be interested in disassociating himself from his small life in Vadnagar. As a means of escape from his family life, he 'disappeared' for stretches of time to spend time completely by himself in a secluded place. Really wanting to do something that would give him a distinct identity, Modi never gave up. Perseverance became the prerequisite to living the life he wanted to live.

Starting small and performing jobs lower in class is usually something that is not preferred, unless the individual harbours a broader perspective and like Modi, knows that those are just stepping stones for future success. People tend to give up, feeling dejected at the quality of work required of them, sometimes giving up because of jealousy. Successful people who go on to become leaders sometimes start no different, but they are quite willing to overcome challenges and have the strength and determination to see their goals churning into fruition. Modi's jobs and responsibilities during his initial years in RSS can be described as menial and routine. However, Modi's idea of carrying out all tasks effectively prepared him for the various roles he was later asked to play. Certainly, no job is useless!

This also helped him later in his career as it provided people the confidence in his abilities and his determined will to passionately work for the cause he believed in. The reason the RSS was handing out bigger responsibilities to him was because they were pleased with his efficiency and the fact that he performed whatever he undertook with utmost enthusiasm. When such individuals go on to become leaders, and are responsible for a lot many people, it is this determination settled in them that allows them to keep on pursuing their goals and in the process, leverage things to their advantage. In the midst of any crisis, they must have the capacity to continue.

As Modi rose up the ranks, he found that his Dharmic rooted perspective needed a modern reinvention. In order to keep himself up with the times, he understood and valued the importance of having a broader perspective. Although there would be evidence and opinions for the otherwise, one can't deny the fact that he did try learning from whatever he could and inculcating modern management principles that are so necessary to lead India in the contemporary scene.

It's not that Modi didn't face failures or challenges; in fact, leading Gujarat during the Gujarat Riots and Godhara issues became a hounding issue for him. Surely, no leader would want to be held responsible for such an issue, especially when he took command of a state only months back. Anyone who is even remotely aware of the Indian governance system would appreciate that the system is rather complex and not as simple as it appears. The strong hold of regional political satraps, bureaucracy and the established power centres with the Indian political framework provides little leverage for even the established Chief Minister of any state to operate, more so when one is new and just acclimatising himself with the complexities of governance. However, despite all the negativities that surrounded him, Narendra Modi chose to concentrate and shift the discourse to the economic agenda and growth which doesn't suffer from the normal discrepancies of secular v/s non secular, regionalism, etc. He's remained perseverant that the only model that Gujarat and he would propagate is purely economic, which in the end would benefit all. Though his critics kept hitting him with the phrase, 'single agenda', he chose to respond to them with a vibrant economic model. He provided a never-thought-of model of investment inflow, with senior IAS officers being assigned to and accountable for every investment flowing within the state. His detractors and critics not just challenged him in India but ensured that even his international reputation remains challenged; however, with a single minded focus on his state, he carved a path of economic diplomacy where the international investors themselves pushed their respective governments to remain engaged with him. Probably this is one of the few instances where international diplomatic efforts were targeted towards a particular state of India and not just at national level.

Another example that displayed his determination and perseverance was the handling of the devastations that occurred in the Gujarat earthquake in 2001, which killed more than 20,000 people, destroyed 4,00,000 houses and accounted for a loss of billions in economic damages. The incident occurred around nine months before Narendra Modi took the reins of the state. Modi could have chosen to just maintain the continuity of efforts, but after becoming the Chief Minister, he galvanised investment and rehabilitation efforts to such an extent that today, Kutch boasts of one of the finest models of rehabilitation across the world and the area is economically better than what it was before the tragedy.

It is said that Alexander the Great, unlike other kings of past, never remained hidden by his cavalry or artillery, rather he would stand with his front-line soldiers and lead the attack from the front. Similarly, Narendra Modi is not known to remain contended by just delegation of duties to either his colleagues or officers but prefers a more hands-on approach of remaining at the forefront in testing times.

The heights great men reached and kept were not attained by sudden flight, but they, while their companions slept, were toiling upward in the night. ~ Henry Wadsworth Longfellow

In the most recent scenario, Modi's win as Prime Minister of the country in May 2014 is in itself a valid example of the results of being consistently persistent. Emerging as a symbol of hope for the youth of this country, Modi shoulders the expectations of the people and reflects their unwavering confidence in his leadership abilities. Continuously stating the government's goals and plans, not just to his team but to the media and the public, he has generated that sense of confidence that things can turn out to be good. His apparent determination to make it happen also helps motivating the team, which further works with a positive attitude.

Organizing hundreds of rallies all over the country in an unimaginable time period, being at the forefront of all his initiatives, making full use of technology and social media to leverage his party, Modi carried out all possible ideas to win his quest for Prime Minister. Modi has also generated criticism and times of uncertainty in the face of problems. There's enough evidence to see the number of issues he has had to deal with, most of which were a direct attack to his pride, something he keeps safe and sound. Ram Jethmalani, senior politician and eminent lawyer, started his article in the Sunday Guardian with these lines: "No politician in independent India has been demonised in such a relentless, Goebbelsian manner as Narendra Modi, and no politician has withstood it with as much resilience and courage as him, notwithstanding the entire Central government, influential sections of the media machinery and civil society arraigned against him."

It requires tenacity to be able to conserve one's emotions and maintain clarity as to the goals. Narendra Modi is one such person, strong and courageous, with fortitude to carry on in the face of insoluble dilemmas.

Narendra Modi has displayed a high level of personal initiative, perseverance and a will power to counter all odds no matter what they are, and he in many ways epitomises what Gurdev Rabindra Nath Tagore wrote in his famous poem Ekla Chalo Re (Go All Alone)

Jodi tor dak sune keu na ashe, Tobe ekla cholo, ekla chalo, aekla chalo re, Aikla cholo re
(If no one answers your call, then walk alone, be not afraid, walk alone my friend)

Jodi kue kotha na koe, ore o re o obaghaga, keu kotha na koe Jodi sobai thake mulik phirae, sobai kore bhoye, Tobe poran khule, O tui, mukh phute tor moner kotha, Ekla bolo re (If no one talks to you, O my unlucky friend, if no one speaks to you, If everyone looks the other way and everyone is afraid, then bare your soul and let out what is in your mind, be not afraid, speak alone my friend)

Jab kali ghata chaye, Ore o re o andhera sach ko nigal jaye, Jab duniya sari, dar ke age sar apna jinkaye, Tu shola banja, Wo shola banja, Jo khuá jal ke jahan raushan karde, Ekla jalo re. (When dark clouds cover the sky, When darkness engulfs the truth, When the world covers and bows before fear, You be the flame, The flame that burns you and banishes darkness from the world, be not afraid, Burn alone my friend)

~ Gurudev Rabindra Nath Tagore

Footsteps - Mahatma Gandhi

The difference between what we do and what we are capable of doing would suffice to solve most of world's problem ~ Mahatama Gandhi Great leaders have attained success and fulfilled their goals; be those personal or for the welfare of society or the country, primarily because of the inherent abundance of determination. Mahatma Gandhi, the visionary who was an integral figure in India's fight for independence, is also an example of sheer perseverance and will power. Gandhi advocated non-violence, believing in fighting for the truth with ahinsa. The term satyagraha coined by him literally means “persistence of truth” and goes on to show how perseverance was a factor deeply ingrained in him, not just in his actions, but also in his every belief. Before jumping into the independence struggle of India, Gandhi undertook a country-long journey to understand the challenges that lay in front of him. He knew that India is a diverse country and to sew it into a thread of single agenda would require sheer determination and hard work. During the freedom struggle, Gandhi would often travel to remote areas to remain ingrained with the people at large. He was determined that until and unless he covers India in its entirety, he could neither emerge as a national leader nor could push ahead his agenda of its independence. Similarly, much before Narendra Modi set his sights on the national pedestal, he had started travelling to states that were weak points of his party. He knew that while he was successfully leading his home state Gujarat, his larger agenda of national growth could only be achieved if he emerged as a national leader upon whom people during the 2014 general elections, he travelled far and wide across India covering the entire length and breadth of the country to remain in connect with the masses at large. His determination to achieve the goal can be adjudged by the very fact that he would begin his day as early as 4 AM in the morning and after his daily chores would conduct back to back election meetings across India, sometimes on same-day flying from Gujarat to North East and then to South India and parts of North India and returning back to Gandhinagar to grab a sleep of 2-3 hours daily. This perseverance and focus indeed resulted in Narendra Modi becoming a national leader and people across the board connecting with him and propagating his agenda at large. Gandhi knew that the path to India's freedom was long but he was also determined that no matter what he would not shun the path of non-violence, so much so that he suspended the satyagraha movement when a police station was set ablaze in Chauri Chaura, a town near Gorakhpur in present day Uttar Pradesh. He felt that it's important to first spread the real meaning of ahimsa and then move forward in implementing it with the masses. Gandhi's approach thus was oriented towards first spreading the vision and then laying the foundation for its implementation. Similarly, Narendra Modi feels that that true growth of India could only be achieved if it is linked to economic growth of masses. In an articulate manner he has conveyed his vision to the countrymen and now he is working determinedly to untangle the bottlenecks that lie in front of him and his vision. One reason why effective leaders persevere is their conviction in their own beliefs. Gandhi was sure of non-violence as the right means of winning freedom and although he was widely criticized by other leaders, he was quite set in his belief and was determined to make India free by those means. He spread his message far and wide, worked at the forefront, motivated and mobilized the people and despite many setbacks and despicable circumstances, never gave up. Narendra Modi shares this quality with Gandhi, who created his plans and points of action based on the ultimate goal in mind, and carried it out with strong-founded determination. Such leaders place a 'never say die' attitude in the midst of their minds and continue working to achieve their goals with complete focus. Be it his career cycle, or the vision he has now set for India, Modi has provided enough evidence to believe that he would see it through, no matter what. Even as a youngster, Gandhi looked for opportunities to learn from everywhere he went, especially during his stay in England when he was studying law. When he faced roadblocks, he did not simply try to return to India however much he wanted, but decided to stay back and look for alternative solutions to resolve his problems. Just like Gandhi's persona exuded his perseverance, Modi's stance also reveals him to be someone who would not easily give up. His authoritarian nature might even add to this determination, for he would work towards achieving what he promised with utmost diligence so as to maintain his authority and trust in the people. Gandhi's unrelenting pursuit of his goals, self-abnegation, courage, tolerance and perseverance are qualities Narendra Modi seems to have picked up and is now using to become an effective leader.
Tags: Book Summary,Indian Politics,

Tuesday, September 23, 2025

GST: From Midnight Promises to “Savings Festival” – Eight Years Later


See All Political News

On June 30, 2017, just before midnight, India witnessed one of its most dramatic economic announcements: the roll-out of the Goods and Services Tax (GST). Heralded as a “one nation, one tax” reform, GST was presented as a transformative step that would ease compliance, reduce corruption, and bring benefits to the poor and the middle class.

Fast forward eight years. On September 22, 2025, the Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman launched the so-called “Savings Festival,” accompanied by advertisements, announcements, and even a televised address by the Prime Minister. Prices of daily-use items—from soaps and toothbrushes to biscuits and tea—were promised to fall. But as always, the real question lingers: are ordinary Indians truly saving more, or is this just another headline-driven celebration?


Rahul Gandhi in Bhogal vs. Nirmala Sitharaman in Laxmi Nagar

The story begins in December 2024, when Rahul Gandhi visited a small grocery shop in Bhogal, Delhi. Sitting behind the counter, he listened to the shopkeepers narrating their struggles with GST. One trader compared it unfavorably to VAT, saying they were now paying four times more tax and spending half their working hours filing returns. Small businesses, already operating on razor-thin margins, felt crushed under compliance and costs.

Ten months later, in September 2025, Finance Minister Sitharaman visited the shops of Laxmi Nagar. Accompanied by two junior ministers, she distributed flowers, smiled for cameras, and heard selective feedback about the supposed benefits of the new GST rates. But unlike Gandhi, she did not sit down to hear the raw frustration of shopkeepers. The timing and optics left many asking: had the government finally begun listening, or was this just political theatre ahead of festivals?


GST’s Eight-Year Journey

When GST was launched, Prime Minister Modi assured the nation that this system would simplify taxation and benefit the poor. Yet the lived experience was different. Prices of essentials rose. Compliance burdens skyrocketed. Traders who once operated freely were forced into a maze of returns and invoices.

For eight years, opposition leaders like Rahul Gandhi repeatedly demanded course correction. They argued that high GST rates were inflating poverty, squeezing the middle class, and shrinking India’s consumption-driven economy. Their warnings went unheeded.

Only in 2025—eight years later—did the government announce massive rate cuts. Goods that once attracted 12% or 18% GST suddenly fell into the 5% slab. Some essentials like milk, curd, and paneer were exempted entirely. Personal care products, stationery, and packaged food items all saw reductions. The narrative shifted from “compliance and efficiency” to “celebrating savings.”

But this raises a haunting question: why did it take eight years of hardship before these cuts were made?


The “Savings Festival” or a PR Exercise?

The government declared September 22, 2025, as the start of a “Savings Festival.” Newspapers ran full-page ads thanking the Prime Minister. FMCG companies announced price cuts of ₹1 to ₹20 on biscuits, noodles, and tea packets. Insurance companies promised lower premiums. Hotels highlighted reduced GST on rooms, pitching tourism as more affordable.

And yet, reality was more complicated:

  • Old stock still on shelves: Shopkeepers explained they could not sell products at new prices until old stock was cleared.

  • Negligible savings: A ₹10 biscuit packet reduced to ₹9 may be important for the poor, but is it truly festival-worthy relief?

  • State-level losses: With items moved into lower slabs, states now face revenue shortfalls. Andhra Pradesh alone estimated a ₹20,000 crore loss. How will they recover it? By raising other levies?

  • Middle class squeeze: Reports show India’s middle class is shrinking. Even Nestlé’s CEO admitted FMCG sales are falling due to reduced purchasing power. If incomes aren’t rising, will small price cuts revive consumption?

The “festival” may therefore remain limited to headlines and advertisements rather than people’s wallets.


The Forgotten Promises of 2017

If one looks back at the headlines of July 2017, the déjà vu is striking. Then too, the government promised that soap, toothpaste, milk, medicines, and biscuits would become cheaper. Now, in September 2025, the same list of items is being read out again.

This repetition exposes a deeper problem: for eight years, ordinary Indians did not feel the promised relief. If the GST system was truly designed for the poor, why did it take almost a decade to reduce their burden?

The government insists that the new GST rates will deliver a “double bonanza” for the poor and middle class. But if a single bonanza was promised in 2017 and never materialized, can the public trust the double promise in 2025?


Health Insurance and the GST Narrative

Interestingly, alongside tax relief on daily goods, insurance companies are using this moment to advertise cheaper premiums. With GST on health and term insurance slashed, companies are wooing consumers with promises of affordability.

But here lies a contradiction: while insurance is indeed essential—covering hospital bills, securing families against financial shocks—its affordability is not determined only by tax. Household budgets, disposable incomes, and employment security matter far more. Without stronger economic fundamentals, GST relief on insurance may remain symbolic.


The Opposition’s Case

Congress leaders argue that GST has been “Gabbar Singh Tax”—a villain that robbed people of income and dignity. Rahul Gandhi consistently pressed for a standard 18% cap, a demand the government ignored until now. He also linked GST’s flaws to larger structural issues, such as India’s weak manufacturing sector compared to China.

His critique: GST widened inequality, burdened small traders, and hollowed out India’s middle class. And the government’s sudden embrace of rate cuts, in his view, proves that his warnings were always valid.


What Lies Ahead?

The GST “Savings Festival” arrives with fireworks, advertisements, and political symbolism. But the deeper questions remain:

  1. Are savings real or superficial?
    Will a ₹5 or ₹10 reduction in consumer goods significantly improve monthly household budgets?

  2. How will states cope with revenue losses?
    Will they raise other taxes to make up for reduced GST collections?

  3. Has India’s middle class already shrunk too much?
    With stagnant wages and inflation eroding incomes, will lower GST rates revive demand?

  4. Is this a reform or a rebranding?
    If the government itself admits that GST needed correction, does it also accept that the 2017 rollout was flawed?


Conclusion: Between Memory and Celebration

The government wants citizens to celebrate a “Savings Festival.” But perhaps what India really needs is a “Memory Festival.” A festival where citizens recall what was promised in 2017, compare it with what is being promised now, and judge for themselves what actually changed in eight years.

Savings are welcome. Relief is necessary. But without accountability, transparency, and honest reporting, festivals risk becoming spectacles. For a country where 80 crore people still rely on free ration, the question is not whether biscuits are ₹1 cheaper, but whether the economy has created jobs, raised incomes, and secured futures.

Until then, headlines may celebrate—but wallets will decide the truth.

Tags: Indian Politics,Video,Hindi,

Saturday, September 20, 2025

Trump’s Project Firewall: The Harshest Blow Yet to India’s IT Sector


See All Political News


Donald Trump has just delivered what may be the single biggest jolt to India’s IT sector in recent memory. A shock so severe that its aftershocks will be felt from Silicon Valley to Bengaluru, and from Patna to Pune.

The announcement came late Friday evening when the U.S. President signed an executive order creating a new immigration program under the name “Project Firewall.” Overnight, the dream of Indian engineers and students who looked to America as their land of opportunity has turned into a nightmare.


What Changed? From ₹6 Lakh to $100,000 a Year

Until recently, renewing an H-1B visa cost roughly ₹6 lakh (around $7,200). Under Trump’s new order, that figure skyrockets to $100,000 a year (over ₹83 lakh).

This is no minor policy tweak. It’s a financial wall designed to push foreign workers—most of them Indian—out of the U.S. tech ecosystem.

Companies aren’t going to foot such a massive bill for every employee. And if they do, they’ll simply slash salaries to recover the cost. The math is brutal: thousands of Indian engineers in the U.S. are staring at job losses, with many possibly being forced to return to India almost overnight.


Panic on Both Sides of the Ocean

The ripple effects were immediate:

  • Advisories went out inside American tech firms.

  • Lawyers were flooded with frantic calls.

  • Families back in India grew restless, unsure if their loved ones would even keep their jobs.

  • Engineers currently traveling outside the U.S. were told to return within 20 hours or risk being denied entry altogether.

What was once a steady stream of middle-class Indian families building better futures abroad has suddenly become a flood of anxiety.


The Politics of Labels

At the heart of this order lies something more insidious than just money.

The official White House memo justifying the hike brands the H-1B program as “abused” and accuses foreign workers of harming American jobs and even threatening national security.

Let’s be clear: most H-1B holders are Indian. For decades, they’ve been the backbone of U.S. tech firms, paying billions in taxes, boosting the housing market, funding schools, and keeping hospitals staffed. Yet today, they are being recast from talent to infiltrators.

It is the same language we’ve seen elsewhere—whether in U.S. politics around Mexican immigrants or in Indian politics around “infiltrators” closer to home. The playbook is the same: use fear to win votes.


A Failure of Indian Diplomacy

This is not happening in a vacuum.

In June 2023, Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Washington and announced, to loud applause, that H-1B renewals would now be processed within the U.S., no longer requiring a trip back to India. Crowds cheered, “Modi, Modi.”

Fast forward to September 2025, and those same H-1B workers are staring down the steepest visa wall in history. What happened to that pilot project? Where is the promised relief?

India’s foreign policy, often showcased as a string of hugs, handshakes, and photo-ops, has been reduced to silence in the face of this crisis.


The Bigger Picture: Project Firewall

Trump’s choice of name isn’t accidental. In computing, a firewall blocks outsiders from entering your system. By calling this crackdown Project Firewall, the message is clear: keep Indian engineers out.

The comparison to his much-discussed “big, beautiful wall” with Mexico is unavoidable. The same metaphor, the same politics—only this time, aimed squarely at Indian talent.

And let’s not forget: Indians make up 72–73% of the entire H-1B pool. No community is hit harder.


The Human Cost

This is not just about policy or numbers.

It’s about:

  • Families who took out massive loans to send their children to U.S. universities, now left staring at closed doors.

  • Five hundred thousand Indian professionals currently on H-1B visas, half of whom could be forced to return.

  • Remittances worth $35 billion a year flowing from the U.S. to India, now at risk.

  • Entire neighborhoods in Bihar, Andhra, and Tamil Nadu where one U.S. paycheck supports multiple families.

The dream of global mobility is collapsing into the nightmare of sudden deportations and shrinking futures.


Can India Respond?

At the very least, India’s government should be holding press conferences, spelling out what this means for its citizens, and taking a strong diplomatic stand. Instead, there is silence.

When it comes to tariffs, sanctions, or defense deals, Washington speaks and New Delhi listens. When it comes to Indian engineers being labeled infiltrators, where is the outrage?

The truth is uncomfortable: foreign policy built on personal friendships and photo-ops was never real policy. It was always theater. And today, that theater is being exposed for what it is.


Conclusion: A Dark Day for India’s Engineers

For decades, ordinary Indian families sent their children to study and work abroad, believing hard work would bring upward mobility. That belief powered India’s IT boom and changed the fortunes of millions.

Now, those same families are being told to pack up and return. But the jobs, salaries, and opportunities that took them overseas simply do not exist in India.

This isn’t just a visa crisis. It is a dream crisis.

Project Firewall has revealed the fragility of India’s global standing and the vulnerability of its brightest minds. The question is: will India confront this reality—or once again drown it out with applause?

Tags: Indian Politics,Politics,Hindi,Video,

Thursday, September 18, 2025

India’s Growth Dreams and the Reality of the Common Man


See All Political News

“Can India grow at a consistent rate of 11.41% for the next 25 years?”
This is not just a question of numbers, but of dreams and the ground reality. Without such growth, the vision of a “Developed India” by 2047 may remain only a slogan.

Who Really Pays the Taxes?

Over the last 15 years, the tax burden has shifted heavily onto the shoulders of ordinary citizens.

  • Earlier, 65% of government tax revenue came from the public.

  • Today, that share has risen to 80%.

  • Corporate and producers’ share has fallen from 35% to just 15%.

The middle class and the poor now bear the weight of taxation—through GST, excise duties on fuel, and income tax.

The Struggles of Everyday Life

Small shopkeepers and salaried employees alike find themselves trapped:

  • With monthly incomes of ₹10,000–₹15,000, it’s nearly impossible to manage household expenses.

  • Inflation keeps rising, savings keep shrinking.

  • Families are forced to sell land or borrow money even for basic healthcare and education.

The Challenge of Per Capita Income

  • India’s per capita income is only $2,381 (₹2.1 lakh annually).

  • Developed nations average $14,600 (₹12.2 lakh annually).

  • Former RBI Governor C. Rangarajan says that to bridge this gap by 2047, India would need 11.47% GDP growth every year for 25 years—an almost impossible feat.

The Growing Weight of Debt and Gold Loans

  • Average household spending rose from ₹42,000 in 2022 to ₹56,000 in 2025.

  • Household debt increased by 23% in just two years.

  • Gold loans surged by 71%—showing that families are pawning generational savings simply to survive.

Inequality and Corruption

While crores of Indians rely on free rations, politicians, bureaucrats, and corporate elites sit on mountains of black money. Raids uncover crores in cash and jewelry, yet the burden always falls on the honest taxpayer.

The Silent Crisis of Farmers

Kashmir’s apple growers tell another side of the story:

  • Highway closures and lack of crop insurance caused them losses worth hundreds of crores.

  • Millions of families tied to this industry are suffering quietly.
    Yet such stories rarely make it to the headlines or political discourse.

The Real Questions

India’s economic debates are often distracted from core issues:

  • Should we be content with flashy GDP numbers?

  • Why is the middle class carrying the tax burden while corporations escape?

  • Why is questioning corruption or inequality branded as “defamation”?

If citizens stop asking questions, answers will never come. And remember—the real “intruder” emptying your pocket is not across the border, but within this unequal economic system.


✍️ Conclusion
India’s dream of progress can only be realized when the weight of growth is shared fairly, when the pockets of ordinary citizens are protected, and when we openly discuss the realities—not just the rhetoric.

Tags: Indian Politics,Video,Hindi,

Thursday, September 4, 2025

GST, Relief, and Eight Years of Silence


See All Political News

Hello, I’m Ravish Kumar.

Today we talk about two stories: one is about a government decision, the other about the discussion it provokes. For the first time in eight years, the Modi government has admitted—though indirectly—that GST (Goods and Services Tax) hurt the people. That inflation crushed households. That savings have dropped to historic lows.

The same GST that was once defended as a “reform” has now been quietly rolled back in scope. Rates have been reduced, slabs simplified. The government calls it relief. Posters and press releases celebrate: “Your daily expenses will now be cheaper.” But let’s not forget—yesterday the same taxes were called “reform,” while Rahul Gandhi called it “Gabbar Singh Tax.”

So what was it all these years? Relief today means exploitation yesterday.


Eight Years of Denial

From Arun Jaitley to Nirmala Sitharaman, the government defended the GST structure tooth and nail. They told us multiple tax slabs were necessary. They claimed high rates were justified. And anyone who questioned it was mocked or silenced.

But the results were plain: small shopkeepers crushed by compliance, medium businesses suffocated by paperwork, households drained of every rupee. Inflation soared while incomes stagnated. People skipped health insurance because 18% GST made premiums unaffordable. Parents struggled with school supplies because even pencils, erasers, and notebooks were taxed.

Now, after eight years, the government accepts what was obvious to millions: GST hurt the people.


The Politics of “Relief”

The GST Council has now reduced the slabs from six to two main ones: 5% and 18%. A third, 40%, remains for luxury and sin goods. Items from soap to bicycles, from baby diapers to health insurance, have been shifted to lower brackets.

The government calls it “a Diwali gift.” But gifts come from generosity—this is merely undoing harm.

If this relief was possible now, why not earlier? Why did people have to pay 12% GST on school notebooks for eight years? Why did parents pay 18% on shampoo and toothpaste, while the government defended it? Why did it take almost a decade to acknowledge the obvious—that ordinary people were being looted in the name of reform?


The Opposition’s Loneliness

Throughout these eight years, Rahul Gandhi was mocked for calling GST “Gabbar Singh Tax.” He repeatedly demanded simplification and a cap at 18%. In 2016, he warned that anything higher would crush the poor and the small trader. He was ridiculed by the media, attacked by IT cells, dismissed as ignorant.

Yet here we are, eight years later, doing exactly what he proposed.

So the question is: was Rahul Gandhi wrong, or was the government arrogant?


The Real Cost

Relief today doesn’t erase the suffering of the past. Countless households emptied their savings. Small businesses folded. Farmers and workers bore the brunt of inflation. Parents cut corners on children’s education and health. Gig workers, already on fragile incomes, spent their lives paying high GST on fuel and bikes—only now being told that the rates will drop.

This isn’t a “gift.” It’s an admission that people were wronged for eight years.


Beyond the Numbers

When you read headlines saying “daily items to get cheaper,” remember: if it’s cheaper now, it was unjust then. If the government celebrates lowering GST on health insurance, it means it knowingly burdened the sick and the elderly for years.

Every poster celebrating “relief” is also proof of past failure.


Conclusion

So, should the people celebrate? Perhaps cautiously. Yes, lower GST will bring some ease. But the larger truth remains: for eight long years, an arrogant government defended the indefensible. And only when forced by politics, economics, and pressure, did it accept what millions already knew.

Relief today is not generosity. It is simply a correction of a wrong.

And in history, we must remember who defended the wrong—and who dared to call it out.

Can the Elephant and the Dragon Dance Together?


See All Political News

Hello, this is Ravish Kumar. So, are India and China ready to dance together? Recently, Chinese President Xi Jinping remarked that the “elephant and the dragon can dance together.”

Now, in politics, the metaphor of dance has many shades. Sometimes, it means: who is dancing on whose tune? Who is pulling the strings? That kind of dance is unhealthy. The real dance worth celebrating is one where both partners appear equal—where the steps are in balance, where dignity and respect are intact.

In October 2024, Prime Minister Modi met Xi Jinping in Kazan, Russia. Later, he visited Beijing after seven years. Yet, the border tensions that erupted in Eastern Ladakh five years ago remain unresolved. Reports suggest that more than 50,000 soldiers remain stationed on both sides. Strikingly, the Prime Minister avoided speaking about the border issue directly. India rarely calls out China openly—be it about Doklam (2017) or Galwan (2020). Instead, we hear routine lines about “maintaining peace and stability” on the border. But is that enough?

Meanwhile, trade paints a very different picture. Since 2020, India’s dependency on Chinese imports has only grown. The trade deficit stands at nearly $100 billion. India buys, China sells. But what exactly does India produce that China must buy? The imbalance continues because India cannot yet find alternatives to Chinese products. This proves that trade flows smoothly even when strategic ties are strained.

The real question is: after the SCO meeting, has anything fundamentally changed between India and China? Is there any new sense of parity that makes it look like two equals preparing to dance gracefully, mesmerizing the world as the “elephant and dragon” twirl together?

Xi may invoke this poetic image, but his actual dance partner remains Pakistan. He pulls the strings there with ease. Russia, too, continues to openly call Pakistan a “traditional friend.” During the SCO summit, while Modi’s photo-ops with world leaders made headlines in India, pictures of Xi, Putin, and Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif told a parallel story.

Back home, pro-government media celebrated the summit as a triumph. But the truth is murkier. India refrains from naming China when it comes to terrorism, even though China continues to shield Pakistan in global forums. For instance, after the Pahalgam attack, India highlighted the “condemnation” of terrorism in joint statements as a victory. But in the same breath, terror attacks in Pakistan, like the Jafar Express bombing, were also condemned. Whose victory was that?

The contradictions run deep. Modi says India and China are “victims of terrorism.” But when exactly was China a victim? When has it suffered terror attacks like India? These vague equivalences only blur the truth.

And while Modi emphasizes “strategic autonomy” and insists relations should not be seen through a third country’s lens, the reality is clear: China won’t abandon Pakistan. India won’t name China. The stalemate continues.

All the while, optics dominate. Viral photos, hugs, and handshakes flood the headlines. Yet, significant absences remain unspoken. For instance, India’s Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar did not travel with the delegation—officially due to “health reasons.” But his absence from key bilateral talks with Xi and Putin was glaring. It reminded me of the 1990s when even a seriously ill Foreign Minister, Dinesh Singh, was flown in a wheelchair to Tehran to secure Iran’s support for India at the UN. That was diplomacy at work, beyond optics.

Today, however, diplomacy risks being reduced to photo opportunities. China pushes its dominance through platforms like the SCO, much like India once did with SAARC. But where is SAARC today? Forgotten.

The bottom line: if the elephant and the dragon must dance, the rhythm must come from trust, balance, and equality. A dance partner is not someone you control with your fingers but someone you move in harmony with. Xi Jinping may speak of such a dance, but is he really offering one? Or is he simply reminding India of an invitation while twirling Pakistan in the meantime?

Until India calls out the contradictions and demands real parity, the so-called “dance” risks remaining nothing more than a performance staged for the cameras.

Saturday, August 30, 2025

Locked Out of Knowledge: India’s Research Crisis After the Sci-Hub and LibGen Ban

See All Articles


5 Key Takeaways

  • Sci-Hub and LibGen have been blocked in India following a Delhi High Court order, impacting access to academic resources.
  • Researchers in India and the Global South heavily rely on these 'shadow libraries' due to limited and unreliable institutional access.
  • Scholars often resort to informal networks, social media, and friends abroad to obtain necessary research materials.
  • Physical and digital library access is frequently inadequate, especially for independent researchers, those with disabilities, or scholars away from campuses.
  • The current publishing system restricts knowledge through paywalls and gatekeeping, while authors and peer reviewers receive little compensation.

When Sci-Hub and LibGen Are Blocked: The Struggle to Access Research in India

If you’re a student or researcher in India, you’ve probably heard of Sci-Hub and LibGen. These websites have been lifesavers for many of us, offering free access to academic papers and books that are otherwise locked behind expensive paywalls. But recently, the Delhi High Court ordered internet providers to block these sites, following a lawsuit by big publishing companies. So, what does this mean for researchers like me—and for the future of learning in India?

Why Sci-Hub and LibGen Matter

Let’s be honest: getting access to academic material in India isn’t easy. University libraries often have limited collections, and their online resources can be patchy or full of technical glitches. Many important journals and books are simply out of reach unless you pay a hefty fee. That’s where Sci-Hub and LibGen came in. They acted like giant virtual libraries, letting us download research papers and books for free. For many PhD students, these sites were mentioned in thesis acknowledgements right alongside traditional libraries.

The Reality of Research in India

Most Indian researchers don’t have the same access as their peers in the US or Europe. Even if you’re at a top university, you might find that your library doesn’t subscribe to the journal you need, or that your access is unreliable. If you’re an independent scholar, or between degrees, it’s even harder. During the pandemic, when physical libraries were closed, online access became even more crucial—but often, it just didn’t work.

To get around these barriers, we’ve developed creative solutions. We share articles in social media groups, ask friends abroad to download papers for us, and spend hours searching for alternative links or “mirrors” of blocked sites. It’s a time-consuming and frustrating process, but it’s often the only way to get the information we need.

Is This Really Piracy?

Some people argue that using sites like Sci-Hub is piracy. But here’s the thing: the authors of academic papers usually don’t get paid for their work. They write and review articles for free, while publishers charge high prices for access. This system locks knowledge behind paywalls, making it harder for researchers in countries like India to do their work.

What’s the Solution?

There have been talks of a “One Nation, One Subscription” policy to give all Indian institutions access to journals, but it’s not fully in place yet. Even if it happens, it won’t cover everything—especially rare or out-of-print books that only sites like LibGen provide.

Until we fix the system, blocking Sci-Hub and LibGen just makes life harder for researchers. Knowledge should be a public good, not a privilege for the few who can afford it.


Read more

Locked Out of Learning: How the Shadow Library Ban Deepens India’s Knowledge Divide

See All Articles


5 Key Takeaways

  • The Delhi High Court's 2025 ban on shadow libraries like Sci-Hub and LibGen restricts academic access, especially in countries with limited resources.
  • The ban exacerbates the divide between well-resourced Western scholars and those in the Global South, who often lack up-to-date academic materials.
  • Shadow libraries are crucial for independent researchers and students who cannot afford expensive paywalled resources, enabling equal opportunities for knowledge creation.
  • The move is seen as prioritizing publishers' profits over the broader goal of knowledge dissemination and future research advancement.
  • The case recalls Aaron Swartz's fight for open access, highlighting ongoing global inequalities in information access and questioning who benefits from restricting knowledge.

When Knowledge Becomes a Luxury: The Ban on Shadow Libraries and Its Impact on Students and Researchers

Imagine you’re a student or a researcher in India, eager to learn and contribute to your field. You need access to the latest books, articles, and research papers. But there’s a catch: most of this information is locked behind expensive paywalls, and your university library is outdated or incomplete. For years, websites like Sci-Hub and LibGen—known as “shadow libraries”—have been a lifeline, offering free access to academic materials that would otherwise be out of reach.

But on August 23, 2025, the Delhi High Court banned these shadow libraries across India, following complaints from big publishers about copyright violations. The official reason? To protect the rights of publishers and authors. But the real-world effect is that thousands of students and independent researchers now find themselves cut off from the resources they desperately need.

This isn’t just an Indian problem. Around the world, there’s a growing divide between researchers in wealthy countries—who often get free access to journals through their universities—and those in developing countries, who are left with crumbling libraries and outdated books. The ban on shadow libraries only makes this gap wider.

The debate over open access isn’t new. Publishers argue that they need to charge for access to fund their operations and pay authors. But critics say that the main goal of research should be to spread knowledge, not to make money. When information is locked away, it slows down progress and keeps valuable knowledge out of the hands of those who could use it to make a difference.

One of the most famous advocates for free access to information was Aaron Swartz, a computer programmer and activist. He believed that “information is power,” and that it shouldn’t be reserved for the privileged few. Swartz tried to make millions of academic articles freely available, but faced harsh legal consequences and ultimately took his own life. His story is a reminder of how high the stakes are in the fight for open access.

In countries like India, where research opportunities are already limited, banning shadow libraries feels especially unfair. It’s hard to expect world-class research from people who don’t have access to the latest knowledge. While governments sometimes try to create their own digital libraries, these are often incomplete and not very helpful.

At the end of the day, restricting access to knowledge doesn’t just hurt students and researchers—it holds back society as a whole. We should be asking: Who really benefits when information is kept behind closed doors? And is it right to let money decide who gets to learn and who doesn’t?


Read more