Showing posts with label Indian Politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Indian Politics. Show all posts

Thursday, April 16, 2026

‘Challenging, unrealistic’: Women gig workers in Noida stage protest; demand fixed working hours and basic facilities


See All on Minimum Wages And Cost of Living Adjustment (COLA)    <<< Previously   



The women described a system in which their earnings could fluctuate sharply based on customer ratings and strict punctuality metrics.

Sonakshi Thapa (27) who had joined Urban Company to support her family, now dreads the commute — twenty-minute-long walks under the scorching sun or when it is raining heavily.

She is among the thousands of female gig workers who work as partners for platforms that provide at-home services.

Noida has been witnessing a series of protests by workers over wages in the last few days. A smaller group of women, all gig workers, gathered on Wednesday morning, but with a different demand: not more pay, but more predictable hours and basic dignity at work.

About 40 women who work with Urban Company, including Sonakshi, assembled outside a training centre in Noida Sector 60. They demanded an eight-hour shift, weekly time-off and access to essential facilities like drinking water and toilets.

The women on Wednesday said their concerns were rooted less in how much they earned than how they were made to work. They said the time was right as the demand put forward by several other workers was being heard by the UP government.

Sonakshi, who started working eight months back, said workers are given 15 minutes to travel between appointments — a target she termed as “unrealistic”. “It takes at least 20 minutes because we have to walk… it is challenging,” she said.

Thapa also pointed to challenges faced specifically by female workers. “We need to change sanitary pads. Every woman faces this issue,” she said. “We cannot do that in customers’ homes. We need proper facilities.”

She said that after deductions linked to ratings and attendance, her monthly earnings had dropped to about Rs 18,000 in recent months.

Another gig worker associated with the company for five months, Neha Devi (25), who earns about Rs 25,000 a month, echoed the same concern. “We are not asking them to increase our salaries. We are asking for fixed working hours and basic facilities.”

Devi said that although government norms prescribe an eight-hour workday, she and her colleagues are often required to work up to 11 hours. Absences on weekends, she said, can lead to disproportionately high deductions. “If my daily wage is Rs 833, why is Rs 1,000 rupees cut?” she said.

The women described a system which leads to fluctuations in their earnings, sharply based on customer ratings and strict punctuality metrics. “Even if we are late by a minute, our daily earnings are slashed by half,” she added.

The protesting women also said that supervisors were often unreachable and, at times, allegedly threaten them regarding account deactivation.

The nature of their work — traveling from a customer’s home to another — also involved lack of access to basic amenities, they said. “We are told to use customers’ washrooms,” Devi said. “But many times, we are shooed away.”

Pinky Kumari (30), quickly unlocked her phone and opened WhatsApp. A series of texts to her supervisor read, “Sir please remove the cancellation”, “Only you could do it. Rs 1,000 would be cut.”

Showing the messages requesting a cancellation reversal, she said those went unanswered. “We were told during training that if we don’t cancel, our money won’t be deducted,” she said. “But no one listens.”

She added that while complaints raised by workers about customers rarely lead to action, even a minor complaint from a customer can result in immediate suspension of a worker’s account.

Wednesday’s protest was cut short later in the morning.

Police escorted the women in buses and removed them from the site. A senior officer present at the spot said the gathering had been allegedly prompted by a “misleading” message circulating among workers and described it as part of a broader pattern of mobilisation seen in recent days.

Queries sent to Urban Company remained unanswered.

Ref
Tags: Indian Politics,Management,

CITU seeks Rs 23,196 minimum wage for entire NCR


See All on Minimum Wages And Cost of Living Adjustment (COLA)    <<< Previously    Next >>>

CITU seeks Rs 23,196 minimum wage for entire NCR; Faridabad on alert

CITU Haryana General Secretary Jay Bhagwan said the demand for Rs 23,196 as the base is not arbitrary. The Center of Indian Trade Unions (CITU), affiliated to CPI(M), on Tuesday intensified its demand for a uniform minimum wage across the National Capital Region (NCR), proposing a floor of Rs 23,196 per month. The demand comes amid escalating industrial unrest in Delhi-NCR’s manufacturing hubs, with the union calling for a mass mobilisation at all district collector offices on April 16. CITU Haryana General Secretary Jay Bhagwan said the demand for Rs 23,196 as the base is not arbitrary and that a committee – comprising representatives from factory owners’ associations, trade unions, the state government, and the labour department – had arrived at the figure in a meeting on December 29, 2025. “Whether it is Gurgaon, Panipat, Faridabad or Bahadurgarh, industrial associations are issuing statements claiming they cannot implement the new rates,” vice-president Vinod Kumar said in connection to the Haryana government, on April 9, revising minimum wages to Rs 15,220, with effect from April 1, 2026. Meanwhile, in response to the growing unrest, the Faridabad Police has issued a public advisory warning against any disruption of law and order. A police spokesperson stated that for the last two days, employees of Motherson Sumi Wiring India Limited in Sarai Khwaja have been protesting for a wage hike. To manage the situation, more than 1,500 police personnel have been put on standby. In Gurgaon, too, police intervened at ShadowFax company in Pathredi-Bilaspur after workers gathered to demand a salary hike on Tuesday. Ref
Tags: Indian Politics,Management,

Wednesday, April 15, 2026

In Gurgaon, workers voice opposition over wages


See All on Minimum Wages And Cost of Living Adjustment (COLA)    <<< Previously    Next >>>

‘New labour codes not in our interest’: In Gurgaon, workers voice opposition

Workers argued that this increase fails to keep pace with soaring inflation in consumer goods and housing. Amid protests by factory workers in Noida’s industrial belt demanding fair wages, representatives of the Municipal Corporation Employees Union in Gurgaon pointed out that the new wages announced by the Haryana government are inadequate. On April 9, the state government notified a 35 per cent hike in minimum wages across categories — raising the monthly pay for unskilled workers from Rs 11,274 to Rs 15,220, and for skilled workers from Rs 13,704 to Rs 18,500. Workers, however, argued that this increase fails to keep pace with soaring inflation in consumer goods and housing. Municipal union leader Vasant Kumar said, “How can one live on such wages in a city like Gurgaon? The new labour codes, LPG crisis and lack of proper work conditions are not in the interest of workers and we will continue our protests against them.” As per protesting workers, allied municipal and state employees have announced a three-hour work boycott on April 16 to protest against the government’s handling of workers’ issues across the state since the Manesar protests. Workers are also opposed to the new labour codes introduced by the Centre. Explaining why, Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) district president Suresh Nouhra said they allow for 12-hour shifts sans overtime compensation and restrict unions. “A member will not be able to express themselves properly and the benefit will only be for corporates. They should be abolished. Factories are trying to start 12-hour shifts but thanks to the protest in Panipat, they could not for now.” On February 23, at the Indian Oil Corporation Ltd’s Panipat refinery, at least 30,000 contractual workers staged protests demanding better wages and working conditions. Unions contend that the successful agitation in Panipat, located in Haryana’s crucial industrial corridor, has temporarily halted similar attempts across other manufacturing units in the state. The municipal union members have been supporting a stir by fire department workers, who have been demanding regularisation and better pay while protesting against “untrained” drivers being deployed to man fire engines. The sit-in protest in front of the Sector 29 fire station in Gurgaon entered its seventh day on Tuesday. Around 200-odd municipal union members had joined the protest around noon. Sahun Khan, president of the Gurgaon Fire Department Union, claimed the government’s temporary measure of deploying untrained Haryana Roadways drivers and inexperienced youth to operate fire engines poses a severe public safety hazard. “Roadways drivers and youths from training centres have no prior training in operating firefighting equipment,” said Joginder Karotha, State Secretary of the Sarv Karamchari Sangh Haryana. He warned that in the event of a major fire, the lack of trained personnel could lead to a substantial loss of life and property, for which the state government would be solely responsible. Addressing the media at the protest site, union representatives reiterated their long-standing demands, which include: Free medical treatment for severely injured personnel, treating their recovery period as active duty, a monthly risk allowance of Rs 5,000 at par with police personnel, timely disbursement of medical, uniform, and washing allowances, and regularising their employment. Fire Safety Officer Jai Narayan acknowledged the manpower shortage, but said they have drivers and firemen on duty as of now. Ref

Wage hike protests in Noida (UP)


See All on Minimum Wages And Cost of Living Adjustment (COLA)    <<< Previously    Next >>>

Wage hike protests: Noida's 10-year minimum pay rise half of Delhi, Gurugram; not enough to offset inflation


NEW DELHI: While minimum wages for unskilled workers have risen by just 42% in Noida/Ghaziabad over the last decade, the increases in neighbouring Delhi, Gurgaon and Faridabad have been close to 90%, shows data.

This also means that while wage increases have outpaced inflation in Delhi and its neighbouring Haryana towns, the hike has been not even enough to offset price rise in Noida/Ghaziabad.

Analysis of past data on minimum wages shows that from Rs 7,936 per month in Oct 2016, the minimum wage for unskilled workers employed in shops and establishments in Uttar Pradesh has increased to Rs 11,314 per month, an increase of 42.6%.

Since 2016, the base year of the consumer price index for industrial workers (CPI-IW), the increases in prices in Ghaziabad and Gautam Buddha Nagar have been 51.3% higher than the increase in nominal minimum wages. In effect, therefore, the real minimum wage now is lower than a decade ago.The situation was similar in Haryana, before the increase in minimum wages announced on April 9, following protests in the state's industrial belts around Manesar.

The minimum wage in the state had increased from Rs 8,070 per month in July 2016 to Rs 11,274 per month before April 9. This 40% increase was lower than the rise in prices rate affecting industrial workers during this period - 52.7% in Gurgaon and 48.1% in Faridabad.

Following the April 9 hike, the minimum wage is now 88.6% higher than in 2016. Delhi has the highest minimum wage in the NCR region. At Rs 18,456 per month, the minimum wage in the national capital has increased by nearly 90% as compared to Rs 9,724 per month in Oct 2016. Interestingly, the national capital also saw somewhat lower inflation during this period than its satellite towns in Haryana and UP, as consumer prices for industrial workers increased by 43.7%.
Ref

Tuesday, April 14, 2026

The Battle For Voice In Digital India


See All News by Ravish Kumar
<<< Previously


Press Freedom · Digital Rights · India

When the Government
Bans the Joke,
It Confesses Its Own Fear

India's ruling dispensation is no longer satisfied silencing journalists. It has moved on to comedians, cartoonists, animators — and now, you.

There is something uniquely revealing about a government that is afraid of a joke about a cooking-gas cylinder. A comedian makes a reel. It goes viral. And within days, his Facebook page — built over years, his livelihood — disappears from India. No explanation. No notice. No due process. Just: gone.

That is where we are. That is what India's digital landscape looks like in 2026. Pages are being pulled down. YouTube channels suspended. News portals blocked. Cartoonists' work removed from the internet and, in quiet defiance, pinned to the walls of Delhi's Press Club. An animation studio's three videos banned, not for incitement, not for sedition — but for existing at a frequency the government finds uncomfortable.

Ask yourself one question: if the government were confident, why would it be afraid of a cartoon?

"If you cannot handle a question, banning the questioner is not governance. It is cowardice dressed up in the language of national security."

The Takedown Machine

The cases are no longer isolated. Over the last several weeks, a pattern has crystallised into something systemic. Comedian Rajeev Nigam's Facebook page was blocked in India. He told The Quint that he was not even informed which post triggered the action — his best guess is a satirical reel about LPG prices.[1] "My page will not be visible to people in India," he tweeted. "And this has not happened only to me."

He is right. The satirical outlet Molitix had its Facebook page restricted under Section 79(3) of the IT Act — again, without being told which content violated which rule, and without being given an opportunity to respond.[2] Its cartoons — which Indian audiences had freely viewed for years — were pulled from the internet and displayed physically at Delhi's Press Club, because that was the only screen the government couldn't reach.

News channel 4PM has been blocked and has approached the Delhi High Court. National Dastak was targeted. Dhruv Rathi's three animation videos were banned in India.[3] The Kerala-based MediaOne TV was shuttered for over a year on "national security" grounds — a claim the Supreme Court eventually tore apart, fined the government for, and reversed. But by then, the channel had lost journalists, revenue, and months of its institutional life.[4]

This is not a crackdown on disinformation. This is a crackdown on discomfort.

12 Years in power — zero press conferences held by PM Modi
1 hr New proposed deadline for platforms to remove flagged content (down from 2–3 hours)
79(3) IT Act provision cited to block pages — no reasons given, no right of reply

The American Mirror

Sometimes it takes a foreign government's bureaucratic paperwork to state plainly what domestic silence refuses to say. The Office of the United States Trade Representative submitted a report to the US Congress and President on March 31, 2025. Its finding on India was blunt: tech companies — YouTube, Twitter, Facebook, Instagram — are receiving content removal orders from Indian authorities at such volume and at such speed that they are unable to comply in time.[5]

The report further observed that the manner in which these orders are being issued appears to be politically motivated — not a response to genuine threats, but a routine mechanism of suppression.[6]

Read that carefully. The United States government — hardly a crusading civil liberties organisation — has put on record that India's content-removal regime looks like politics, not policy.

And yet, India's IT Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw has pointed to deepfakes and AI-generated misinformation as justification for these crackdowns. That argument might carry weight if the targets were deepfake factories. But Molitix is not a deepfake studio. 4PM is not an AI bot. Rajeev Nigam is a human being who made a joke about a gas cylinder. The AI defence is a red herring, and a transparent one.

"The US government's trade report said what Indian mainstream media would not: India's content-removal orders appear politically motivated."

The Law They Are Building

What is happening today through executive orders is about to be institutionalised through law. The government has proposed sweeping amendments to India's digital media regulations, with public consultations open until April 14. What the new draft would establish, if passed, is a surveillance architecture of remarkable scope.[7]

Under the proposed rules: social media platforms would be required to conduct pre-upload content checks; user data would have to be retained and handed over on government demand; and — most significantly — the Digital Media Ethics Code, previously applicable only to registered news publishers, would now extend to any individual who posts news or current affairs content on social media.[8]

That means you. The person who makes a reel about a politician's speech. The student who shares a video of a protest. The homemaker who reposts a news clip. All of you would fall under a government-supervised content-review mechanism. You could be reported, reviewed — and silenced — even without a formal complaint.

The Internet Freedom Foundation's Apar Gupta has warned that the draft's implications go far beyond what the government is advertising. This is not about cleaning up misinformation. This is about building the infrastructure for total digital control — and doing it while the public is still being told it is about deepfakes.

The Double Standard That Tells the Whole Story

Here is a simple question. Which channels were found guilty of spreading hate speech and communal content by broadcast regulators? The answer is the same channels that have been receiving thousands of crores of rupees in government advertising contracts. The News Broadcasters' Standards Authority levied fines. Anchors were censured. And yet — not one of these channels was taken off air for a single day.[9]

Meanwhile: independent journalists whose channels receive no government advertising find their Facebook pages blocked, their YouTube handles suspended, their income streams severed.

The principle being applied is not legality. It is loyalty.

Channels that ask no questions get crores. Channels that ask questions get shut down. This equation is not a conspiracy theory — it is the observable, documented reality of Indian media in 2025. The public has understood it. Viewership of so-called "godi media" has collapsed, not because of regulation, but because audiences stopped trusting them. But the government's response to losing the information war is not to earn trust — it is to delete the competition.

What Kind of Democracy Remains?

Narendra Modi has been Prime Minister for over a decade. He has not held a single press conference in twelve years.[10] Not one. He speaks in monologues — to a camera, on his terms, with no questioner, no follow-up, no accountability. That is his relationship with the free press: it does not exist.

And now, having converted mainstream television into a stage-managed applause machine, the government has turned its attention to the only spaces where inconvenient questions were still being asked — social media, independent YouTube channels, satirical pages, comedy reels.

Compare this to the United States, where Tucker Carlson — a deeply controversial commentator — openly accused the American government of being controlled by Israeli interests. No takedown. No criminal case. No page restriction. Trump's government dislikes him. But it has not deleted him.

In India, the threshold for deletion is a joke about a cooking-gas cylinder.

And when you silence that joke, when you pull down that cartoon, when you block that satirical page — you are not protecting national security. You are announcing, to your own people and to the world, that you cannot handle the truth. That you have run out of answers. That the only tool left in your hands is fear.

One hundred and forty crore people deserve a Prime Minister who can face their questions. What they have is a government that deletes the questions instead.

Facts

  • Comedian Rajeev Nigam's Facebook page was blocked in India without prior notice or stated reason; he told The Quint he suspects it was due to a satirical post about LPG cylinder prices.
  • Satirical outlet Molitix had its Facebook page restricted in India under IT Act Section 79(3); it was not informed which content violated any rule, nor given opportunity to respond. Its removed cartoons were subsequently displayed at Delhi Press Club.
  • The US Office of the Trade Representative submitted a report to Congress on March 31, 2025, stating that India's content-removal orders are issued at such frequency and speed that tech platforms cannot comply in time, and that the orders "appear politically motivated."
  • The Indian government proposed reducing the mandatory content-removal window from 2–3 hours to 1 hour, as reported by The Indian Express citing government sources.
  • The proposed amendments to India's digital media rules — open for public consultation until April 14, 2025 — would extend the Digital Media Ethics Code to any individual posting news or current affairs content on social media, not just registered publishers.
  • Dhruv Rathi's three animation videos were banned in India.
  • Kerala's MediaOne TV was banned for over a year by the central government citing national security. The Supreme Court overturned the ban and issued a strong rebuke to the government.
  • 4PM News channel has been restricted and has filed a petition before the Delhi High Court.
  • Prime Minister Narendra Modi has not held a press conference in over 12 years in power.
  • The News Broadcasters' Standards Authority has fined and censured pro-government TV channels for spreading hate speech and communal content — yet none were taken off air, and these channels continue to receive substantial government advertising.

Criticisms

  • The Modi government has weaponised IT Act provisions — particularly Section 79(3) — as a tool of political suppression, blocking independent journalists and satirists without due process, notice, or right of reply.
  • Twelve years in power without a single press conference is not humility — it is contempt for democratic accountability. A head of government who refuses to be questioned is not governing; he is ruling.
  • The government's use of "national security" as a blanket justification for banning channels like MediaOne — a claim the Supreme Court dismantled — reveals a pattern of using legal weaponry not to protect the nation but to protect the ruling party from scrutiny.
  • The proposed digital media rules, which would subject ordinary citizens' social media posts to government review and potential deletion, represent an authoritarian expansion of state power over public speech dressed up as a regulatory reform.
  • The double standard is indefensible: pro-government channels found guilty of hate speech by independent broadcast bodies face zero action and continue to receive thousands of crores in government advertisements, while independent platforms are blocked for asking factual questions.
  • Framing the crackdown on independent media under the banner of fighting deepfakes and AI misinformation is dishonest. The targeted accounts — Molitix, 4PM, Rajeev Nigam, Dhruv Rathi — are identifiable human journalists, satirists, and animators, not AI bots.
  • The government's IT Cell has industrialised disinformation and communal propaganda on social media for years. The selective enforcement of content rules against critics, while leaving this ecosystem untouched, is not neutrality — it is complicity.
  • By attacking the livelihoods of content creators — not just their speech — the government is deploying economic violence as a tool of censorship, targeting people's incomes and livelihoods to enforce silence.
  • BJP's silence — from party workers to MPs to Mohan Bhagwat — in the face of this press freedom assault is a form of institutional endorsement. If they genuinely believe in democracy, they must say so publicly and loudly.
  • A government so fearful of a cartoon, a comedy reel, and an animation video has already answered the question of whether it has the confidence to face its own people.

Sources & Citations

  1. Rajeev Nigam statement to The Quint regarding Facebook page restriction, 2025.
  2. Molitix statement on Facebook page ban, citing IT Act Section 79(3), reported by multiple outlets, 2025.
  3. Reports on Dhruv Rathi animation video bans in India, 2025.
  4. Supreme Court of India ruling overturning the central government's ban on MediaOne TV; Court reprimand on record.
  5. Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR), 2025 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, submitted to US Congress and President, March 31, 2025.
  6. Ibid., USTR Report on India section: characterisation of content-removal orders as appearing "politically motivated."
  7. Draft amendments to India's Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021; public consultation period ending April 14, 2025.
  8. Internet Freedom Foundation (IFF); Apar Gupta's public commentary on proposed draft rules, 2025.
  9. News Broadcasters Standards Authority (NBSA) orders against pro-government television channels for content violations, 2022–2024.
  10. Multiple documented instances confirming PM Modi's 12-year record of no formal press conferences; cited by domestic and international press freedom organisations.
Tags: Hindi,Ravish Kumar,Indian Politics,Video,

Friday, March 20, 2026

India's young are more educated than ever. So why are so many jobless?


See All on Politics    <<< Previously

India's youth story is a study in contradictions - of abundance and scarcity, promise and drift.

As the British economist Joan Robinson once quipped, whatever "you can rightly say about India, the opposite is also true".

Few studies illustrate that paradox more crisply than the latest State of Working India report by Azim Premji University.

Start with the headline number: 367 million young people between the ages of 15 and 29 - the largest youth population in the world, and making up a third of India's working-age population.

Of them, 263 million are not in education and constitute the potential workforce.

It is an enviable demographic bulge, the kind that powered East Asia's economic miracles. Yet, beneath this statistical bounty lies more troubling arithmetic.

There is, at first glance, reason for optimism.

Over four decades, the country has transformed its educational landscape, the report finds.

Enrolment in high school and colleges has surged, broadly keeping pace with India's development levels. Gender gaps have narrowed. Caste barriers, though far from erased, have reduced.

Between 2007 and 2017, the share of students from the poorest households enrolled in higher education rose from 8% to 17%.

A far more educated and connected generation is entering the labour market. Young workers are moving out of agriculture faster than older cohorts over the long term, finding opportunities in manufacturing and services.

On paper, this looks like the making of a classic demographic dividend.

"Never before have so many young Indians been as educated and as connected," the report says.

The bad news: the transition from education to employment remains stubbornly broken.

Graduate unemployment in an increasingly challenging labour market is strikingly high. The last half decade has not generated salaried jobs in adequate numbers, the report finds.

Nearly 40% of graduates aged 15-25 - and 20% of those aged 25-29 - are jobless, far higher than among the less educated, the report finds. Only a small share secure stable, salaried jobs within a year.

Part of this reflects how labour markets evolve over a life cycle. As Rosa Abraham, economist and lead author of the report, told me: "When you're young, you wait - and report unemployment."

Track the same cohort over time and joblessness falls; by their late 20s, many are working, says Abraham.

Early joblessness, she argues, reflects an "aspiration-availability mismatch" combined with the ability to wait. Over time, "you mellow, build networks and take what you can", often in the private sector.

This is not a new problem.

In 1969, British economist Mark Blaug published a book called The Causes of Graduate Unemployment in India, tracing a gap between education and jobs that had been evident since the 1950s. And between 1983 and 2023, graduate unemployment remained stubbornly high at around 35-40%.

What has changed is the scale. India now produces about five million graduates a year - but since 2004-05, barely 2.8 million annually have found jobs, with even fewer securing salaried work.

The broader labour market tells a similarly mixed story.

In the two years after the pandemic, India added 83 million jobs, lifting total employment from 490 million to 572 million, with gains for both men and women, the report finds.

Yet nearly half were in agriculture - dominated by women and typically marked by low productivity and disguised unemployment.

In other words, the economy has been creating work, but not the kind that transforms livelihoods.

Women's employment is rising - but here, too, the picture is split.

At one end, a small but growing cohort of educated and skilled women is entering salaried roles in IT, automobile manufacturing and business services. The shift is especially pronounced in states such as Tamil Nadu and Gujarat, says Abraham.

At the other, far larger end, most of the increase is in self-employment and unpaid or home-based work, often within households or family enterprises. This signals necessity rather than opportunity.

The result is a statistical rise in participation that masks a qualitative divide: opportunity at the top, compulsion at the bottom.

Education has expanded rapidly - especially higher education, driven largely by private providers - but not without trade-offs.

The number of colleges and universities has surged from about 1,600 in 1991 to nearly 70,000, with a 150% jump in the 2001-10 decade alone. Around 80% are now private, a sharp shift from the 1950s-80s when the sector was evenly split.

Access has widened, but quality is uneven, with faculty shortages and stark regional gaps. Participation from poorer households has risen, yet professional courses such as engineering and medicine remain costly. Vocational training has expanded - largely through private institutes - but its link to jobs remains weak, the report says.

There are also signs of strain beneath the surface.

Since 2017, the proportion of young men in higher education has fallen - from 38% in 2017 to 34% by late 2024 - as more cite the need to support household incomes, the report finds.

"A growing share of these men - now including graduates - are supporting family incomes by working on family farms or businesses. This used to be largely women's work. It's a worrying shift," says Abraham.

Migration has become a crucial coping mechanism.

Young workers move from poorer states such as Bihar and Uttar Pradesh to more prosperous but ageing regions like Tamil Nadu and Karnataka, chasing opportunity where it exists.

This churn helps balance disparities, but also underscores them. India's labour market remains a patchwork of uneven opportunities, the report says.

Clearly, India has expanded education, improved access and built capacity. But it has not yet aligned these gains with the creation of productive, well-paying jobs at scale.

Many economists say India's growth model helps explain the bind.

Unlike much of East and South-East Asia, which relied on export-led manufacturing to absorb low-skilled workers, India's expansion has been driven by skill-intensive services - IT and communications in particular. Export-led manufacturing, by contrast, has remained weak.

The result is a lopsided labour market: opportunities for the educated, but too few pathways for everyone else.

Time, moreover, is not on India's side.

With a median age of 28 and nearly 70% of its population of working age, the country remains one of the youngest in the world.

But this advantage is peaking, the report warns.

From around 2030, the share of working-age Indians will begin to decline as the population ages, closing the window that has long underpinned hopes of a demographic dividend.

The challenge, then, is not simply to create jobs, but to create the right kind of jobs- at scale and at speed. Artificial intelligence could reshape entry-level white-collar work, adding fresh uncertainty to India's already fragile school-to-jobs pipeline.

"The extent to which this large, increasingly educated and aspirational cohort is productively absorbed into the labour market will determine whether this massive and continuing demographic dividend translates into an economic dividend," the report says.

The policy prescriptions are well known: more salaried jobs, closer alignment between education and industry, smoother school-to-work transitions and stronger social protection for informal and migrant workers.

The deeper question, possibly, is one of direction, economists say.

What kind of economy is India building - one that can match rising aspirations with real opportunity, or one that leaves millions navigating underemployment and drift?

Ref: BBC

When Silence Becomes Policy -- Media Control and the CAPF Promotion Battle


See All News by Ravish Kumar
<<< Previously    Next >>>

Namaskar.
There are times when a question appears simple, but behind it lies an entire structure of power, silence, and control. Today’s question is one such: Can an IPS officer become the chief of the Army? The immediate answer is no. Then why is it acceptable that officers from outside the cadre head India’s Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs)?

This is not merely a service-related dispute. It is a window into two deeper issues: the shrinking space of media and the quiet erosion of institutional justice.


I. The Quiet Capture of Media

There was a time when media functioned as a bridge between power and people. Today, that bridge is either broken—or worse, controlled.

When media weakens, it is not just journalism that suffers. It is the public voice that gets erased.

As observed, the decline of independent media does not mean the disappearance of platforms—it means the disappearance of accountability. Governments stop caring about headlines because headlines stop carrying consequences.

You can test this yourself. Whether a report about injustice gets published or not, does it change anything anymore?

Social Media Is Not a Substitute

There is a comforting illusion: that social media can replace journalism. That trends, reels, and podcasts can compensate for institutional silence.

They cannot.

Because:

  • Accounts can be blocked.

  • Content can be removed.

  • Narratives can be manipulated.

And importantly, these actions are often carried out through administrative orders—by the very system meant to uphold democratic values.

The Role of Officials

A troubling dimension is the participation of officials in this ecosystem. The argument that they are “just following orders” does not hold. There is growing evidence that many act with ideological alignment, not merely obligation.

Silence of the Elite

Another silence is equally loud: that of retired bureaucrats.

Thousands of officers have served within democratic institutions. They rose through a system built on neutrality and fairness. Yet, when media freedoms shrink, many remain silent.

Can one fight for their own rights while ignoring the erosion of others’ rights?

This contradiction sits at the heart of today’s crisis.


II. The CAPF Promotion Issue: A 15-Year Struggle

Let us now come to the second issue—the one that brought this discussion into focus.

Officers of CAPFs like CRPF, BSF, ITBP, and CISF are not ordinary employees. They are recruited through UPSC, trained rigorously, and serve in some of the toughest conditions—from insurgency zones to border security.

Yet, their career progression tells a different story.

The Core Problem

The grievance is simple:

  • Senior leadership positions in CAPFs are often filled by IPS officers on deputation.

  • Officers from within the CAPF cadre wait years—sometimes decades—for promotions that may never come.

This leads to:

  • Loss of morale

  • Financial disadvantage

  • Institutional imbalance

A Legal Battle Won—But Not Implemented

CAPF Group A officers fought this issue in courts for over 15 years.

  • 2016: Delhi High Court ruled in their favor

  • 2019: Supreme Court upheld the decision

  • 2025: Supreme Court again affirmed that CAPF officers deserve fair promotion and recognition

The Court directed:

  • Recognition of CAPF officers as an organized service

  • Gradual reduction of IPS deputation to senior posts

  • A timeline of two years for implementation

Yet, despite repeated judicial backing, implementation remains elusive.

Government’s Response

Instead of implementing the judgment:

  • More IPS officers were encouraged for central deputation

  • New administrative conditions were introduced

  • A proposal for legislation emerged that could override the court’s direction

If such a bill passes, it could permanently institutionalize the very imbalance the courts sought to correct.

The Fear Factor

Perhaps the most telling aspect is this:
CAPF officers are circulating unsigned letters.

No names. No signatures. Only concerns.

This is not anonymity—it is fear.

It suggests an environment where even officers of the state hesitate to speak openly.


III. The Larger Systemic Pattern

This issue cannot be seen in isolation.

Consider another example mentioned in public discourse: repeated extensions to certain top officials, despite judicial concerns about tenure norms. Such decisions affect the career progression of many others—but rarely face collective resistance.

The pattern becomes clear:

  • Rules bend for some

  • Rights stall for others

And the system absorbs this imbalance silently.


IV. Why This Matters Beyond CAPF

This is not just about promotions.

It is about:

  • Institutional integrity

  • Respect for judicial authority

  • Equality within services

And most importantly:

  • Whether justice, once granted, will actually be delivered

Because if a Supreme Court judgment requires years—and still struggles to be implemented—what hope remains for those without access to courts?


Facts

  • CAPF officers are recruited through UPSC and serve in high-risk environments across India.

  • Senior positions in CAPFs are often filled by IPS officers on deputation.

  • CAPF Group A officers fought a legal battle for over 15 years regarding promotion rights.

  • Delhi High Court (2016) and Supreme Court (2019, 2025) ruled in their favor.

  • Supreme Court directed recognition of CAPF as an organized service and reduction of IPS deputation.

  • Government has considered legislative intervention that may override court directives.

  • Media independence has declined, reducing accountability pressure on governance.

  • Social media platforms are subject to administrative control and content restrictions.


Criticisms

  • Government prioritizing control over compliance with Supreme Court judgments

  • Legislative intent being used to bypass judicial decisions

  • Home Ministry enabling structural inequality within CAPF leadership

  • Mainstream media failing to question power and amplify critical institutional issues

  • “Godi media” avoiding direct accountability questions to political leadership

  • Bureaucrats participating in suppression of dissent under the excuse of “orders”

  • Retired officials remaining selectively vocal—silent on media freedom, active on personal interests

  • Political class across parties responding only when convenient, not consistently

  • Administrative culture fostering fear where even senior officers avoid signing statements

  • System rewarding proximity to power over merit and service experience


When institutions weaken, the first casualty is truth. The second is justice. And by the time the third arrives, silence has already become policy.